Seychelles: a second opportunity to democratise

When Professor Bruce Baker and Professor Roy May, two African experts at the University of Coventry, in Britain, visited Seychelles in November last year to undertake a field trip, as usual the government used their presence to make propaganda on behalf of the SPFF, the ruling party led by former President Albert Rene.

The Government controlled Seychelles Nation did not tell its readers very much about the credentials of the two academics and their mission in our country. Instead, it put into the mouths of the two academics things they never said, according to the professors whom we spoke to on November 24^th, last year. For example, Nation quoted them as saying “This country has clearly made a lot of progress democratically since the transition, and we thought that story should be recorded and the challenges that you face for the future should be noted.”  In reality they never actually said anything of that sort. They had just arrived and had spoken to very few people, according to the two academics.

This week the British academics have made available to this newspaper an advanced copy of their findings which will be published in academic journals as well as being subject of lectures. Their findings expose the Government propaganda machine for what we know it is:  a propaganda machine. The academics admitted that in their professional opinion, our country has made little advance in the area of good governance and democracy since the one-party state more than a decade ago.

Entitled Seychelles: a second opportunity to democratise, the report made the following critical remarks right from the word go. “When, after fourteen years of one-party rule, President René announced a return to multi-party government at the Extraordinary Congress of the SPPF in December 1991, there was a mixture of apprehension and excitement… The following nineteen months saw many of the institutions associated with democracy put in place: the registration of political parties; a constitutional commission; a constitution embedding fundamental human, political, and economic rights passed by referendum; an electoral commissioner; and multiparty presidential and legislative elections… Yet, though the institutional form of governance changed, in practice very little changed. The years 1993-2004 were a lost opportunity for democracy. Neither President René nor his SPPF party found it easy to release their grip… Indeed, the period saw the systematic undermining or even corruption of the new political system. Democracy faltered, largely due to deliberate tampering by a government that was still largely indistinguishable from the SPPF party. It was not that the new institutions were abolished; they were undermined. They were permeated by partisanship; manipulated to serve the interests of the SPPF. They functioned, but only in as much as they did not threaten the government-SPPF interests. It has to be said that President René did not appear to have any interest in allowing democracy to flourish.”

The professors Bruce Baker and Roy May are not any fly-by-night mercenary academics who are prepared to publish anything their paymasters wish. Their trip to Seychelles was part of their academic work and their costs were born by their institution, the Coventry University Business School. 

Professor Bruce Baker is a Senior Research Fellow at the Applied Research Centre for Human Security, Coventry University. He is currently engaged in an ESRC project examining informal and formal policing in post-conflict African states. His publications include: Taking the Law into Their Own Hands: Lawless Law Enforcers in Africa (Ashgate, 2002); Escape from Domination in Africa: political disengagement and its consequences (James Currey, 2000); and articles in Third World Quarterly, Politics, Commonwealth and Comparative Politics, Journal of Contemporary African Studies, Democratization, Terrorism and Political Violence, Journal of Modern African Studies, Contemporary Politics, Journal of Humanitarian Assistance, Policing and Society, Society in Transition, Conflict Security and Development, and International Journal of the Sociology of Law. He has conducted fieldwork in Zimbabwe, Mozambique, South Africa, Rwanda, Uganda, The Gambia, Sierra Leone and Cape Verde.

Professor Roy May is Professor Emeritus of African Politics and the Director of the African Studies Centre. He taught undergraduate and postgraduate courses in African politics, development, aid and Third World politics. His original interest in this area came from service with the Royal West African Frontier Force in Sierra Leone. His research interests include Chad, the Franco-African relationship, the role of NGOs, militarism and peacekeeping.

The findings on Seychelles may appear at first sight negative, but it is offered not in an attempt to condemn and dismiss, but as a critique to promote change and progress. Some matters may be beyond the control of Seychelles’ Government, such as global economic conditions, but the aspects of governance recorded in this report are an area where advancement is achievable and would enhance the life of the Seychellois. It is a second opportunity for democracy that the authors earnestly hope the country will take.

 The report highlighted that the stepping down of President Rene in 2004 in favour of Vice-President Michel was a very significant time for Seychelles. And with Michel receiving his own mandate in the presidential elections of 2006, Seychelles has what could be a momentous second opportunity for democracy. The first opportunity was squandered, but the opportunity has returned and many in the country are eager to see what will happen.

 The main report is divided into the eight key areas of democratic governance: the constitution and rule of law; the judiciary; the national assembly; elections; civil society; the internal security forces; economic life; and the executive.

According to the report, laws are not always strictly adhered to by senior government figures when it is in their interests to do otherwise. It pointed out that ministers are not putting all government contracts out to tender, but offering unspecified contracts on the basis of private negotiations or offering government land without auction or tender (e.g. sale of former US tracking station; and the lease of Eden Island). The privatisation of the prawn factory that is part of the Seychelles Marketing Board was only announced in the National Assembly on 20^th November, it is alleged that prior to tender a memorandum of understanding already exists with a company to purchase it.

It is stated in the report that the judiciary successfully deals with many cases according to the law. And the Appeal’s Court does overturn many unsafe judgments. However, that does not alter the fact that there is overwhelming evidence of corruption, disregard for procedures and plain incompetence within the system. Judicial abuse now arguably constitutes the single most serious governance issue requiring reform. The core of the problem seems to lie in the recruitment of judges. Despite the availability of eligible Seychellois, the SPPF government has persisted in hiring foreigners as judges (though admittedly one of the five judges and two of the four magistrates are currently Seychellois by birth). It is hard to explain this in any other way than that it is regarded as advantageous to have persons that are open to influence because of their vulnerability unless or until they are offered Seychellois citizenship. Certainly the pattern of judgments that have flowed from the judges suggests that they do what is expected of them. These are harsh words and require some justification.

France Bonté, who is on the central committee of the SPPF, is also the Chairman of the Constitutional Appointments Authority, a body responsible for appointing judges. Hence the judges are faced by a prosecution led by the chair of the body that appoints them. We find such a conflict of interests indefensible. Furthermore, the situation in the judiciary as it stands at present does not give the appearance that a supporter of the opposition could win a case. As the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights argued in its July 2004 report: ‘Members appointed to the CAA should not be active members of any political party. It is vital that the Seychellois should perceive the CAA to be independent in order for them to have confidence in the persons that the CAA recommends for appointments.’

Articles based on the report will be published in leading academic Africanist and International Affairs journals by the professors. The full text of their findings will be published in this publication when it is officially made public.

January 26, 2007

Copyright 2007: Seychelles Weekly, Victoria, Mahe, Seychelles